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ADF
IV draws to a quiet close As this year's African Development Forum draws to a close, delegates look forward to the adoption of the ADF IV consensus statement, scheduled to take play during the closing ceremony, today at 3pm. This year's ADF, entitled Governance for a Progressing Africa, dealt with a range of issues related to this topic, including HIV/ AIDS, corruption, traditional governance, civil society and ICTs. Previous ADF meetings all led to clear action plans, and ADF IV will be no different. The first ADF, on the theme of "The challenge to Africa of Globalization and the Information Age", took place in November 1999 and led to concrete partnership initiatives in this area. The second ADF in 2000 dealt with HIV/ AIDS as a challenge to leadership, and marked an unprecedented collective commitment to the struggle against HIV, as well as national and regional plans of action. And ADF III in 2002, focused on the critical issue of "regional and economic integration" for Africa's development, and contributed toward the building of a strong and democratic African Union. During this year's deliberations, it was encouraging to see the involvement of youth via the pre-ADF youth symposium held last Sunday. With representatives from a range of youth organizations from around the continent, the symposium provided a platform for dialogue between various youth groups, experts and individuals, to enable young people to make contributions to current policy debates. Most importantly, it managed to bring the importance of addressing issues affecting the youth, to the forefront of ADF discussions, Another highlight was the launch of the ECA African Governance Report, finding, among other things, that overall, governance in Africa is improving. As Mr. K.Y. Amoako, Executive Secretary of the ECA said during the launch, "Many of our countries are moving well to foster economic stability, promoting sounder public financial management and accountability systems, improving resource mobilization and reforming financial and monetary institutions." While some delegates raised some concerns around the methodology of the study, its groundbreaking research is a large contribution towards understanding citizens' perceptions of the successes and failures of their governments, in the 28 countries the study was carried out. Traditional governance was not excluded, as the ADF welcomed The Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II King of the Ashanti, and Kgosi Leruo Tshekedi Molotlegi, King of the Bafokeng Nation, amid much fanfare. Emphasizing local solutions to local problems, the Bafokeng king said, "African leaders have been following rules made by others for far too long. We have the ability and the resources to establish and pursue our own versions of participatory governance, responsible and accountable leadership and prosperous communities that can grow and develop according to standards set by Africans, not by the Western World." Concurrent meetings of the Commission on HIV AIDS and Governance (CHGA) also took place, while discussions on this topic took place in several ADF sessions, with presenters drawing a link between the prevalence of AIDS and governance. First President of Zambia and Patron of CHGA, Dr. Kenneth Kaunda, told delegates that the pandemic has had a negative impact on governments in the region to deliver services to communities due to loss of skilled manpower, and that "African governments need the support and assistance of the international community in order to be able to scale-up treatment programs in a sustainable manner." We cannot ignore the effects of HIV on the continent, and the various ADF meetings contributed towards deeper understanding of the pandemic as it relates to governance. One disappointing trend raised by some was the failure of high profile officials to attend the meeting, instead sending representatives in their place. Many feel that real decision-making power lies with the absent individuals, and their failure to attend was interpreted by some as a lack of interest in, and commitment to ADF goals and principles. There is also always the very real risk that such meetings involve much energy and discussion, and little else. Action plans and consensus statements are great in principle, but ensuring that governments adhere to them, is another matter. Furthermore, the omnipresence of partners such as the World Bank and African Development Bank in this week's ADF, also raise the issue of how to empower organizations first, and governments second, to tackle these issues in local contexts. As British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, pointed out earlier this week, Africa's development should be led by Africans. Despite the possibility that this ADF may have been just another talk shop, the optimism and vision present among young and old, traditional and modern alike, may indicate that we are on the right path to this. For Africans to have come together from their diverse corners of the continent to discuss the issue of governance is in itself a step forward. The further expression of zero tolerance for corruption and other factors contributing to poor governance, has alone determined the success of this year's ADF. 
Entertainment
and education for social change: A play on child abuse during war Thursday, October 14, 2004 Word Count - 352 Issues of child soldiers and child abuse during war have been on the agenda for some time now, but a play performed at the ADF IV Exhibition stage Thursday afternoon, was merely intended to convey these issues through a different medium. This, according to African Youth Association (AYA) co-founder Mahlet Ayele, who lists the objectives of the AYA as being conserving local culture, working in the areas of HIV and AIDS, and developing the notion of volunteerism. Ayele is one of five young women who founded the AYA, which is based in Addis Ababa, and linked to a host of other youth associations, including the African Youth Parliament, active in 45 countries. The play was written by local scriptwriter, Alemsoged Abebe, and performed by members of the drama club of the AYA. Set during a war in Africa, it shows a young boy's entire family being killed by soldiers, and his subsequent recruitment as a soldier by the opposing camp, who also allow him to execute his parents' killer. There are no words spoken during the play, allowing for it to be understood by all. This is the first performance of the play, which was written especially for performance at the ADF, in line with conference themes. Scholars define entertainment-education as the strategic insertion of messages into entertaining media such as theatre for the purpose of social change. As children increasingly become innocent victims, caught in the crossfire of wars in Africa, the AYA hopes that their play is one contribution toward an end to the violence ravaging our continent. As Abebe said, "I've seen so many things happening in Africa and that's why I wrote the play. Everyone wants peace in Africa, but our development is linked to raising awareness, and through doing so, finding solutions." Caption: Cast members of the AYA play on Child Abuse and War pose for ADF Today. Pic by Tanja Bosch. By Amon Mulyowa "Quite often, the organizational structure of most political parties in Africa is anything but participatory. Parties that are not open and transparent are unlikely to become democratic in their policy commitment", Prof. Oloo Aringo, vice-chair of Kenya's Parliamentary Service Commission, told Wednesday's ADF IV's session on governance. In recent times, there has been mixed results in the practice of democracy, he claimed, saying that the process of deepening democracy and making it work for our societies has barely started. A well functioning democracy depends on well functioning political parties, responsive to people but new democracies do not mean forming new political parties. In many African countries, they are not yet able to fulfill their traditional functions of political civic education, mobilization and representation of diverse interests. In Africa, opposition parties disappear between elections while ruling parties and coalitions behave like they operate under single party systems long after transition has been realized. The lack of public funding leaves parties dependant on a few individuals to finance their activities and campaigns. Without the policy of internal democracy, parties become mere individual fiefdoms. Charismatic leadership more than party platform drives party loyalty. Creating a culture of democracy and nurturing a spirit of dialogue in parties is a vital determinant to their harmony, strength and existence. At the very least, this should involve open structures and competitive elections for party leadership. Elections are complex and sensitive processes, which require thorough and systematic organization. Improving countrywide voter registration rolls and setting up independent electoral commissions are essential measures for a free and fair system. The inclusion of parties and candidates as stakeholders, monitors, and defenders of elections and not just as contenders can help ensure and achieve stability. In Mozambique, in 1994 and Rwanda in 2003, party representatives were included in every aspect in the run-up to the elections. The convergence of political parties and the institution of Parliament hinges on representation of the electorate -both organs are key for political participation, representation, and also play oversight roles. In Kenya for example, out of 50 registered political parties, real representation is felt through the proliferation of parliamentary parties, which include: NARC, KANU, Ford People, Safina, Shirikisho, Sisikawa, to name but a few. The Kenyan scenario offers a very good blend of a government of national unity and "winner takes it all" model of executive governance. Coalition government surmounts convincing parliamentary strength by virtue of having many votes from their constituent parties in the house. Interestingly, it is emerging that consensus is not automatic and perhaps the most vibrant opposition is from the liberal wing of the coalition, not the official opposition. This has a direct effect on the legislative effectiveness of political parties in pushing their agenda in the House. The question is "How can African countries strengthen their representation"? Whether in established or new democracies, Prof. Aringo believes the efforts that tend to achieve results have the following common elements: Strengthening democratic institutions to promote more effective participation of the people and more responsive decision-making by those in Parliament is just the beginning. An alert citizenry makes democratic institutions and processes work to trigger change. African legislatures must now start to embrace the process of democratization to attune to emerging demands of democracy. It is only through full autonomy from the executive and full professionalisation that parliamentarians in Africa will actualize their constitutional mandate of representation, legislature and oversight functions. Improving governance in political parties is key to ethical standards, training, discipline and better financial management. The promotion of the participation of minorities and women, who have been marginalized is also key. The situation seems to be improving but it is far from over. Representation is still below 10%. Affirmative action is needed to achieve better representation. Building a strong and transparent electoral system in both long established and new democracies should be a priority. This will form the foundation of ensuring the proper and fair management of elections. The effect of this is popular and responsive leadership and a satisfied populace living in harmony and peace, conditions that are key in attracting investment at the local, regional and international levels. The reform of political finance must now be debated actively in Africa with the aim of improving transparency, leveling the playing field, encouraging public subsidies, and grassroots contribution and managing undue corporate and international influence on public policy. The future of Africa belongs to democracy, at all levels of governance, advancing ethical, legal and political values based on dialogue and free exchange of ideas. All democratic institutions must avoid subversion by corruption. Political parties and legislatures in Africa owe it to the people to put in place effective and fair systems of governance to achieve their well-being and dignity as part of the global community. ECA's
in-depth look at Africa's economy Efforts to attract both domestic and foreign private investment and a pursuit of private sector-led growth and development in Africa have resulted in limited success. A report released Tuesday at the on-going ADF IV in Addis Ababa reveals that last year, the net FDI flows to sub-Sahara Africa were $US8 billion, significantly less than the $39 billion that went to Latin America and the Caribbean, the $14 billion to Central and Eastern Europe and the $89 billion to Asia and the Pacific. The report, "Striving for Good Governance in Africa", says even this limited flow to Africa was channeled to only a few countries. The ECA-funded study in 28 African countries recommends that African countries take a more comprehensive approach to attracting investments and encouraging their domestic private sector. Some key measures to improve investments include reducing rent-seeking by tackling corruption, removing business uncertainty, establishing credibility in public policies, fostering public trust in markets and firms and making sure that policy and institutional responses are based on local conditions, capacities and priorities. On a positive note, incentives to encourage private investment in most countries on the continent have spurred rapid private sector expansion. Steps have been instituted to remove administrative barriers to the registration of private firms, protecting property rights, granting tax exemptions, providing land for industries, creating export-processing zones and improving infrastructure and security. Progress in privatizing state enterprises has been uneven. The World Bank 2002 report records that of the 3, 796 privatization transactions valued at $7.9 billion completed by African countries, 31 per cent in value terms was in South Africa, followed by Zambia with 11 per cent, Cote d'lvoire with 10 per cent, Ghana 8 per cent, Senegal 5 per cent, Egypt 4 per cent and Ethiopia, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria and Tanzania with about 3 per cent each. Economic analysts have argued that the African privatization problems create higher unemployment and higher cost of goods and services. Ironically in some cases, privatization merely replaced state monopolies with private monopolies, generating all the disadvantages of the latter without any of the benefits of the former. Despite improving investment climates, achieving the rewards of faster economic growth and less poverty has been often slow and difficult in Africa. The most frequently identified bottleneck is access to reliable and inexpensive financing. Few firms in Africa have bank loans and overdrafts, forcing them to resort to their own resources for their investment and working capital needs. The ECA report indicates that even when bank loans are available, interest rates are high, and much larger collateral is demanded, often including personal assets. The other challenge exacerbating this ruefully slow pace has largely been that most African countries have a long way to go in building a macroeconomic environment conducive to private sector development. Uncertainties generated by inflation and exchange rate volatility increase transaction costs and hamper the ability of firms to plan for the future. "Country credit ratings of international financial markets give low ratings to most countries, which have not been able to establish a reputation for strong economic management," says the report. It also says corrupt regulatory processes of privatization have often simply transferred inefficient public monopolies into private hands, without transforming the market structure. "State-owned enterprises continue to hold dominant market shares in many sectors, limiting market competition." The above scenario notwithstanding, there is hope that the next decade will see a boom in oil wealth among countries in West and Central Africa. The report forecasts Nigeria's earnings to exceed $110 billion between 2004-2010. Angola, in the same period, will earn $43 billion, Equatorial Guinea about $10 billion and Chad slightly more than $2 billion. "Such abundant revenues provide these States with a chance to develop their economic and political institutions, reduce poverty, expand opportunity and, for the first time in their histories, widely share their national wealth with citizens, " the report affirms. At a time when Africa is focusing on transparency and accountability and NEPAD's Peer Review Mechanism is emerging, the energy-rich countries of West and Central Africa have a chance to use these substantial inflows of cash for transparent developmental ends, to normalize their international standing, move beyond the burden of corruption and weak rule of law and demonstrate adherence to new norms of accountability and partnerships, internally and externally, with institutions committed to reform. The report indicates that if African oil-producing countries remain stable, they will grow as reliable suppliers of oil and gas.
Africa
Networking: development Information, ICTs and Governance. Ayenew Haileselassie It is a rare book, if not the only one of its type. You hardly come across such books focusing on the African context be it in the bookshops or even the liberalities of higher education institutions. The entrepreneurial zeal of many young Africans who studied and felt in their bones the potentials of the Information and Communication Technology and plunged head on into the field has not been supported with a commensurate mainstreaming of the technology. Their efforts have not been frustrating, but neither have they been satisfactory. Many technologists have focused on teaching basic computer skills, like word processing and excel, while some are dabbling with programming. One of the basic problems facing them may well be a market that does not know what it could do with the technology and hence offers a vague and an uncertain demand. This may well be evidenced by the fact that less than half of the African countries have an ICT policy and most of these countries have not gone further and considered how they could implement their policies. Intellectuals and policy makers have been groping ahead with largely inconsequential dialogue between each other. Among the reasons why Africa Networking: Development Information, ICTs and Governance is a rare book is that it attempts to lay a common ground for dialogue by exploring the elements indicated in the title, namely development information, ICTs and governance which, if they are made to come together, could end up networking not just individual countries but the whole continent. This book is divided into 13 chapters written by 13 academicians and ECA staff. In one chapter Irene Odotei looks into how a latest technology and a primitive form of leadership could collaborate to make people's lives better in Ghana. The chieftaincy, "which permeates through all the 40 or so ethnic groups" of the country, has been so important for Ghanaians that neither colonialism nor modernisation could wane its power. Odotei states in her chapter in the book entitled ICT in Support of Traditional Governance that "the chieftaincy institution need not be left out of this great opportunity of knowledge packaging and storage." The encouraging thing is that the ancient chieftaincy is not only relieving a lot of burden from the modern day justice system but it is also embracing the modern tools offered by ICTs in doing so. Dr Assefa Admassie, Ethiopian economist, looked into woredas (lower forms of administration in Ethiopia) in his chapter entitled ICTs for Effective Decentralisation at the Woreda (District) Administrative Level, Ethiopia. The findings of his study showed him conditions that begged awareness of and access to ICTs. They included bulky and disorganised information gathering and storage of information, documents that are easily damaged and lost, sluggish communication and little action resulting from meetings because of failure to communicate minutes. The 13 chapters are grouped under four sections. The first section, The Setting, is a more or less academic discourse dealing with Information, Governance, and the digital divide, providing, as Aida Opoku-Mensah wrote in the first chapter, "an overview". With the second section, People, Information and Governance, the focus becomes more specific and different writer elaborate on how geo-information could help realise the objectives of NEPAD, how and why the youth should be included and benefit from the Information Society. The only chapter in French questions if women and civil society groups are benefiting from the digital revolution. The section on Decentralisation takes ICT from high places down to woredas and chieftaincies. The last section, Public Private Partnership, deals with the topic in some depth and discusses statistical information as it applies to good governance. In a few pages for such huge and timely agenda as development information, ICTs and governance, the writers pose a challenge to the mindful reader encouraging to find applications for ICT in the day to day life. If this book is boring to read it is most likely because we think of ICTs so "un-third-worldly" that we do not believe we could make them relevant to our way of life so that we wrongly wait until our lives are worthy of the technology. The book was launched in a ceremony on Tuesday, October 12, 2004. Mohamed Salih said during the launching that the book was already used as text book by some universities in the North. The book is an outcome of the CODI 3 meeting that was organised by ECA. "It (the book) is a tool," said Habib Sy, one of the authors, "for future generations to take further the issues that have been raised." Human Rights and Good Governance in Africa: A critical nexus for expanding human rights Perspectives from Justice Augie "Reassuringly enough, there is today in Africa demand for a new approach to governance. The clamour today for democracy and good governance stems from two broad reasons. First, the denial of fundamental human rights, the presence of arbitrariness and the absence of basic freedoms for the individual have in the main remained familiar traits of a majority of governments in Africa. The strain of these styles of governance has prompted a demand and a clamour for new approaches to the resolution of various national questions. In consequence, Africans are clamouring for greater responsiveness on the part of their political leadership, respect for human rights, accountability and a two-way flow of information between the people and their leadership. They are also clamouring for an adequate legal system and the laws and for the independence of the Judiciary and a free press, which together can serve as a bulwark against the oppression of government, and especially a corrupt or unpopular government". - President Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria The concept of human rights Human rights and good governance are intrinsically interwoven in that the latter cannot be achieved without respect for the former. Human rights cannot be enforced and observed without good governance. The concept of human rights is as old as human society and was evolved, to a large extent, as an instrument of revolt against tyrannical government. "Rights of man" formed the national weapon of those struggling to limit the power of rulers. Today, the concept is closely linked to the "State" or an organized society with a government, and refers to the relationship between the individual and the State or its Government; their rights to political participation, the freedoms that the individual should enjoy and their claims on the State with regard to the provisions of the basic needs of life, education, health, among others. States and Governments have a primary responsibility to protect, recognize, observe and expand the frontiers of the fundamental rights of citizens and other human beings within their territory and jurisdiction, failing which, they may forfeit legitimacy and the right to command the obedience and loyalty of citizens. Human rights in Africa The state of human rights in most African States is without doubt, dismal, to say the least. The contrast between the paper declarations in Constitutions and laws and the actual practice is quite staggering. Human rights laws are at one extreme, while the practice of African States is at the other. The vast majority of the citizens in virtually all African nations face difficult odds in the enjoyment of their rights and freedom from intolerable oppression, exploitation and destitution. However, Africa has experienced a new wave of political reawakening, which in turn has engendered the birth or return to democracy. The era of authoritarian rule, which has colored politics in Africa, is phasing out. The story of Africa is that of a continent that appears incapable of harmonizing State interests with the interests of individuals. The tilt towards authoritarian democracy and quick metamorphosis of democrats to autocrats leads to lack of respect for human rights and makes the achievement of good governance a mere illusion. Democracy has not delivered the much-touted respect for human rights, neither has it been translated into good governance. The prevailing economic hardship in Africa directly affects the realization of democracy dividends. The reform policies embarked upon by African leaders are imported and do not in any way have answers to the imperatives of our peculiarity. This further underscores the need for the civil society to step in and find adequate answers to the imperatives of an open democratic society where the rule of law and respect for human rights are adequately observed. Good governance: The role of civil society Democracy is not an event. It is a process, which constitutes the creation and maintenance of operational institutions and an appropriate political culture. That culture is nurtured through institutions that embody enhanced opportunities for political participation and competition for all citizens. Legislative institutions must exist to check the exercise of Executive power and a genuinely independent Judiciary must exist to safeguard the civil liberties of the people. An essential attribute of democracy is good governance, which goes hand in hand with accountability and transparency. A government cannot claim to be democratic unless it is fully accountable to its people and conducts its business in a transparent manner. The key to building enduring democracy is the existence of strong, viable and assertive civil society. Organizations of civil society operate between the State and the citizenry and give structure to the representation of the interests of a diverse populace. It is an essential prerequisite as it facilitates the opportunity for participation in political life for the citizens at large. Constraints to civil society efforts The role of civil society is not just in confronting government but also in complementing government's role. However, a lot is yet to be achieved in this regard, as civil society organizations have operated under severe constraints, notably the detention of their members, interference with foreign travel, public vilification by government, surveillance by security agencies, and the obstruction of their legal efforts, etc. Some other constraints are as follows: An Inadequate Justice Delivery System The justice system has been defined as the last resort of the common man. Sadly, the justice delivery system is bedeviled with problems. Unresponsive Government Civil society organizations have no political power to effect policies. An unstable, uncertain and undemocratic State cannot protect human rights. This means that the nature and character of the State has direct implications for the human rights environment in any nation. Ethnic violence The story of Africa is a story of a diverse culture and people who are always in conflict. There are always stories of civil unrest in one part of Africa or another. Ethnic distrust and rivalry has continued to slow down the pace of development and realization of good governance in Africa. Lack of funds Civil Society organizations are non-profit organizations. In the absence of adequate funding, they are grounded. Activities that relate to litigations especially in the area of human rights enforcement cannot therefore be sustained, because of lack of funds. Lack of viable civil society network and collaboration The world is now a global village and there is need to constantly keep in touch with global trends. Adequate collaboration and networking will complement the efforts of civil society. In its absence, the potential of civil society organizations will not be adequately utilized. Poverty Poverty and ignorance do not provide a fertile ground for advocacy and the promotion of rights. The people are either too concerned with the practical details of where the next meal is coming from, or are steeped in apathy. This works against the emergence of a robust and proactive civil society that can work for the consolidation of democracy. Corruption Corruption is both the cause and the consequence of political turbulence, human rights abuses and underdevelopment. Corruption is a challenge to every one, and therefore action must be taken in various areas of society. Leadership Africa has a crisis of leadership. It was not always so. The independence struggle produced men who were willing to sacrifice for the common good. The emergent leaders of Africa saw the tyranny of colonial agents as their model of leadership without recognizing, that leaders and tyrants are polar opposites. For Africa to be renewed, it has to rethink leadership." Women's rights The subjugation of women in Africa originates from myths, folklore, native laws, customs, traditions and religions. In spite of the fact that there are constitutional provisions and ratified international Conventions and Charters, which prohibit discrimination against women, African women still suffer a lot of social disabilities and discrimination. However, in recent times, there has been a greater use of international human rights standards to inform domestic judicial decision-making. The Next Steps The gains of democracy continue to elude Africa. Conflicts and civil wars are our constant companions. The majority of our people still live below the poverty line. Inequality, social injustice and absence of rule of law continue to be identified with Africa. The best way of promoting and protecting human rights is to achieve social justice by adopting the necessary and reasonable measures with courage, wisdom, foresight, sense of balance, and fair play to all. The promotion of education for human rights should be an integral part of the efforts aimed at creating a just and democratic society. International human rights standards can be implemented effectively only if they are known by those soliciting for their rights and freedoms, known by the general public, and known by those who are dealing with human rights questions at international and national levels. In societies in which radical changes are being made, Judges often have a difficult role to fulfill, calling for the highest judicial qualities. They have to understand and give due weight to the goals and policies of the changing society when interpreting legislation or reviewing administrative decisions, and at the same time, they must uphold the human rights of individuals and groups that are laid down in the Constitution, laws and, where applicable, international instruments, or which reflect the lasting values of the society. Justice requires Judges to adjudicate impartially between the conflicting rights and interests and apply the law according to their understanding of its meaning. Judges should accordingly inform themselves fully about the goals and policies of the changing society. The realization of respect for human rights, good governance and economic empowerment in Africa cannot be achieved without the third sector institutions of civil society. In other words, the realization of social justice, rule of law and good governance is a process that involves all stakeholders. It is also a process that can be engineered and driven by a virile civil society. For this to be realizable, the following is suggested:
"No longer a people but a population" By Aaron Mwewa Africans have lost their sense of community and are no longer living as a people but as a population, ADF's session on traditional governance was told. Francisco Tunga Alberto, ADF delegate and member of Angola's Jubilee 2000 Taskforce, said on Wednesday that the current social and political upheavals on the African continent are due to the loss of the sense of communalism in its communities. He believes this loss has negatively affected governance systems on the continent. He further pointed out that even in development plans, the people are merely used as statistical inferences and not as the key factor. "For instance, in my country Angola, it was announced on national radio last year that 1,558 women died last year when delivering babies. Since we live as a population and not as a people, nobody, including the civil society, took government to task about it," complained Alberto. He said Africans lost their sense of identity after coming into contact with developed countries: "The West forced us to learn their languages but they did not bother to learn our local languages; in other words, they started to wipe out our culture and replaced it with theirs." He claimed that the roots of the African Union and New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) initiatives are foreign in origin, as the people at the grass roots did not participate in coming up with them: "The meeting here should provide us with a time to reflect on the current economic and political state of the countries so that we can chart a way forward in unison." He said the organizations present at the Forum should take the resolutions adopted in the plenary sessions back to the grassroots people in their respective countries. He expressed his hope that traditional rulers would continue to be incorporated in future forums, as their input was highly valuable in building a new Southern Africa. Alberto attributed the political problems being faced by African countries to the lack of respect for the Constitution. He said that most African people keep the Constitution as a sacred document that cannot be interpreted for the indigenous people, a situation, he adds, that has made it easy for leaders to violate the people's rights. "In most African countries, he adds, the Constitution is in only one language, which makes it impossible for some of the people who cannot understand the language to understand it," he said. He called upon the church not to hesitate in its responsibility of teaching the people on the grassroots on their basic rights. He said love was the only antidote to the current problems that are being faced by the countries in Africa. By Dorothy Davis, President, The Diasporan Touch
Apparently, Nixon was inviting King to visit Washington, D.C. As innocuous an invitation as that might seem today, the critical point is that King had not yet embarked on the historic March from Selma, Alabama. Furthermore, given the context of the times, there was no way that Vice President Nixon could have had that very same conversation with Martin Luther King on U.S. soil. In addition, it crystallizes the astute and deep understanding that Kwame Nkrumah himself had of the parallel struggles of independence that were going on in Africa and the U.S. After all, he had been an undergraduate student at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania and personally witnessed the American form of colonialism and apartheid that surrounded him. He also understood that the conversation that needed to happen between White America and Black America had to occur on neutral ground. By inviting both Nixon and King to his inauguration, he provided them with that opportunity and, through his own inauguration, showed that Black people can rule themselves. I bring this to the attention of all because it shows how intertwined Africa's destiny with its Diaspora has been since the slave trade but also since the dispersion of refugees from numerous African countries through civil wars, other forms of unrest and economic instability, etc. to mostly the Caribbean, Latin America, North America and Europe. The talent that was embodied in those individuals over the centuries and in modern times has built the Western world to its current standing. Africa and Africans need to begin to own that reality! I first began owning that reality as an African American when I visited Cape Coast Castle in Ghana in 1994 as part of the preparations I was making for the African American Institute's policy conference that was being co-sponsored with then Flight Lt. Jerry Rawlings. Although I had visited Goree Island in Senegal before, the visit to Cape Coast Castle had a much more profound impact on me as a person and as an American. It was only then that I truly claimed my right to be treated as a full blooded American: having suddenly realized how much my ancestors through their free labour and innate talents as people had allowed the U.S. to become the number one power in the world. I came away from there daring anyone in the U.S. to think that I or anyone like me was a second-class citizen. Until then, I was ashamed to be an American because it conjured up the image of the "Ugly American." Having been born in Liberia and raised in Nigeria, Tunisia and Switzerland, I could only reject that label for myself. Yet, now, I am proud to wear the multiple hats reflecting my numerous countries of heritage and being able to use my understanding of each of them in my negotiations with all of them. I bring this point forward at this Fourth African Development Forum on Governance because I feel I have to represent the voice of the voiceless at this forum: the African Diaspora. We are your innate partners in development and can significantly contribute to leveling the playing field with the Western world. As citizens of the countries in the West, we can demand accountability. Yet, we are not used to serve in that capacity. I believe the statements His Royal Majesty Otumfuo II, Asantehene and His Royal Majesty Kgosi Leruo Tshekedi Molotlegi of the Royal Bafokeng Kingdom in South Africa gave at the plenary session on Traditional Leadership empowered us all through their articulation of the democratic traditions that already existed in African culture prior to colonialism and slavery. They basically said that Africans did not need the West to tell them about democracy and that it is free to define democracy for itself based on its own traditions: "Africa must be true to Africa." In so doing, they both exemplified a confidence and a type of leadership presence that we need to duplicate more often in this world. Too many leaders around the world assume that role through title and not through presence or vision. The two Kings made the distinctions between "hereditary ruler" and "elected official". They made the distinction between being committed to one's constituency over a lifetime versus an election cycle. I am not focusing on the length of the political cycle. I am focusing on the level of commitment to their constituency that their statements underscore. "What's troubling is the extent to which we seem to assume that models borrowed from Western industrialized countries are the best, or even the only, route to the progress we seek," said His Royal Majesty Kgosi Leruo Tshekedi Molotlegi. "What I want to suggest is that we tackle the challenge of promoting participation, greater prosperity, and basic human security in Africa by thinking outside the box, challenging our assumptions, and embracing the possibility that Africa need not simply consume the "Washington consensus" of economic reforms that exacerbate the disparity between rich and poor as they open up new markets for foreign consumer goods; or the "democratic reconstruction model" that has failed so spectacularly to bring enduring democracy to post-conflict situations around the globe; or the orthodoxy of universal human rights that often seems to sacrifice the interests of the community for the benefit of the individual." "Before the advent of colonial rule, the traditional leader's role encompassed numerous functions which revolved around the cardinal theme of guiding, protecting, defending and providing for the needs of the society he served," explained His Royal Majesty Otumfuo II. "He was the intermediary between the departed ancestors, the living and the yet unborn. These holistic approaches involved religious, military, legislative, executive, judicial, social and cultural features." "The military role of the traditional leader was accentuated by the frequent incidence of inter-ethnic wars or the normal process of acquiring territory for statehood," the Asantehene continued. "But in this function, the welfare of the people was paramount. Any chief who ignored this forfeited the trust of his people and was liable to deposition." This is one of the fundamental differences between Western democracy and African traditional governance: the West focuses on the benefit of the individual whereas African traditional governance focuses on the benefit of the community. Perhaps, this can be the contribution of Africa to the worldwide debate concerning democracy and good governance. Perhaps, the African Peer Review Mechanism can be adapted worldwide to include a developing/developed world component that allows us to evaluate how we are becoming more mutually accountable worldwide. (Perhaps, this could be included as part of the Commission for Africa's recommendations to the G-8 Summit.) One way of making that happen is to engage the African Diaspora and to expand the definition of it to include not only African Americans but Ethio-Americans, Kenyan-Americans, Ghanaian-Americans, Senegalese-Americans, Malian-Americans, Angolan-Americans, Mozambican-Americans, etc., who became American citizens after leaving their native country for various reasons. Many of them would like to return to their native country or, at least, contribute in some way to the development of that country. These hyphenated Americans are disenfranchised in their own country (through birth or adoption) of the United States of America and elsewhere. The democracy in which they live is widening the gap between rich and poor and, because of it, their voices are not always heard. Yet, they share the same issues of development that are evidenced in developing countries including HIV and AIDS. They need to be psychically and spiritually empowered by seeing Africa take the leadership role in the concept of good governance and, through this, gain the confidence to become accountable leaders within their own communities and countries. In this sense, we share a symbiotic relationship. The themes of good governance and democracy that are being discussed here at the Fourth African Development Forum in Addis Ababa are forcing me to evaluate the state of democracy in my own country on the eve of our presidential elections. I find myself listening to every speech in hopes that it will provide me with inspirational insights that I can share with my fellow citizens upon my return to the U.S. Our democratic system at this point feels shaken given the electoral process in the 2000 election and the stress on Homeland Security that is causing many of us to feel as though our rights as citizens are being undermined. As United Nations Under-Secretary-General, Olara A. Otunnu, summarized in the plenary session on traditional governance, "Africa cannot move forward without its history, its memory and its culture, which is the richness of our continent. Japan and Korea, for example, are modern States. And yet they are so deeply rooted in their culture. They realize their strength and draw their discipline and will to move forward from their tradition." I believe it is time for "Africa to be true to Africa" so that it can contribute to the salvation of the rest of us in the world. By Diana Mulilo, Africawoman African women leaders are giving voice to what they have achieved and are still in the process of ensuring. They have seen better conditions emerge for women, especially at the grassroots, over the 10 years since the Beijing declarations. Policy instruments have been put in place, ratified locally, nationally, regionally and internationally, but what is lacking are better implementation processes. MALAWI The women in Malawi have been building themselves silently and they are now taking up high decision-making positions. But what they have discovered is that the mindset of the male leadership needs liberation and should be questioned. It is the socialization that we need to change, because this mindset is developed from childhood, that women and girl children are there to look after the men folk. This is why when I was given some money and I was asked were I was going to take it, I said to the schools to help teach the boy child that he has to look after the girl child too and share household chaos equally. Gender equality and equal rights are supposed to be mainstreamed from the household level by parents and we are encouraging woman to do this both from the urban and rural setups. The economic and social empowerment of women is cardinal". Empowering women with education and information through communication technologies and economic advances is a fundamental right, that builds their self-esteem, awareness of issues and help them to gain equal rights at the household and community level. When these women are economically empowered, they will have even more choices of what they want to achieve in developing businesses and educating their children. With education, they will begin to see the conditions affecting them such as maternal mortality, and traditional norms and practices, to mention a few. As they learn, they become more informed and when they can read they follow issues of interest to them. When economically empowering these women, care has to be taken because they have to pursue economic activities side by side with looking after their children. Small industry projects involving farming and daily production are some of the things that women from the rural areas are capable of doing by themselves with less supervision. All these issues talked about are in the process but resources are the main hindrance to achieving the goals at a faster pace. DIRECTOR OF AFRICA CENTRE FOR GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT There has been some improvement in the use of ICTs for increased opportunities for international trade. Some African countries have started benefiting, even the women. Many African women are now trading things of value such as crafts, arts and information products on international markets. This is adding value to the women's level of information sharing as well as ensuring that they become economically empowered. Most women have come to learn that they have a human right to health and hence, the levels of infant mortality related to HIV/AIDS have reduced in more than 20 African countries. GUNIEA Political parties have come together to set up gender centres to monitor and implement gender issues, on the ground. MOROCCO Authorities have outlined some gender issues and decisions and have established some programmes. There is now 11 per cent women's representation in Parliament. GHANA Sensitization is focusing on the role men and boys should play, by changing their sexual habits to help fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Nigeria The call is to ensure that local gender instruments are also ratified at national level and the gender component is mainstreamed through to budgeting aspects and taken into consideration. Networking with other countries connects those with the shared cause of fighting the HIV/AIDS, poverty, and unequal access to education and use of new technologies for acquiring information and enriching education. Nigeria is also looking at tapping the richness of national land resources, and at partnerships with the men for achieving gender equality, reducing poverty, and fighting HIV/AIDS. ZAMBIA The Anti Retroviral Treatment (ART) is one of the main issues that they are putting in place. Distribution of ARV drugs has started to be distributed in various parts of the country. Medical personal are being put in place to examine patients before they are put on the drugs. Education policies and programmes are in place for the girl child, who is allowed free education, to retain a number of them in school. This policy extends also to elderly women and men. Home-based care services are being set up in various compounds and rural settings to take care of people living with HIV/AIDS. |
There
is a photograph that my Father, Griff Davis, took during the inaugural
ceremonies of Ghana's Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah, of the then-U.S.
Vice President Richard Nixon engaged in conversation with Martin
Luther King, Jr. flanked by both of their wives, Patricia Nixon
and Coretta Scott King.