| ADF
IV CONSENSUS STATEMENT
I: Preamble
1. There is a clear consensus that good governance
and sustainable development are two sides of the same
coin. Good governance is a sine qua non for development
in Africa. It implies efficient and accountable institutions
– political, judicial, administrative, economic,
corporate – and entrenched rules that promote
development, protect human rights, respect the rule
of law, and ensure that people are free to participate
in, and be heard on, decisions that affect their lives.
Above all, good governance is a leadership issue, enshrining
the effective, transparent, and accountable discharge
of responsibilities within the framework of capable
states.
2. Africa’s overarching challenge is to create
strong, capable, developmental states – states
in which peace and security is guaranteed; states that
create an enabling environment for equitably distributed
economic growth coupled with the promotion of education,
health and social services; states that encourage freedom
of expression and vigorous exchange of views through
a free and thriving media sector; states that pursue
sound macro-economic management, institutional reform,
and investment in human resources development, including
in the critical area of gender equality; states that
deal swiftly and effectively with corruption; and states
that build an enabling environment for the private sector
to generate economic growth, jobs and income. At the
core of the capable state are political continuity and
policy predictability and a fair and consistent application
of the rule of law.
3. Nowhere is the consensus on the need for capable
states more clearly reflected than in the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a leadership
framework aimed at providing new impetus to continental
development efforts. The NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism
(APRM) uses a number of innovative indicators to assess
and monitor the progress of African countries in meeting
the goals of achieving good governance and sustainable
development. So far, 23 countries – covering some
three-quarters of the population of sub-Saharan Africa
– have signed up for peer review, opening up their
policies and practices to scrutiny based on codes and
standards for political, economic, and corporate governance
codes. The Pan African Parliament, created as part of
the African Union (AU), constitutes another important
continental institution of accountability and oversight
and a critical forum for the exercise of good governance
in Africa.
4. While the principles of democracy are universal,
the form it assumes is context-specific. As such, Africans
must define an African-owned agenda for good governance,
based on local realities and contexts, and communicated
to populations in their own languages. Viable institutions
and practices from the continent’s past must be
harnessed towards its future. The context of globalization,
coupled with the tendency towards asymmetrical relations
between Africa and its development partners –
particularly in economic governance and trade –
makes it all the more incumbent on Africa to develop
its own paradigm of good governance as part of its quest
for greater ownership of its development. As such, there
is a need to caution against assuming that models borrowed
from Western industrialized countries are the best,
or only, route to progress.
5. While some may perceive traditional systems of governance
as archaic and outdated, there is growing evidence that
such systems and networks are key in mediating the dualistic
co-existence between tradition and modernity that characterizes
African society. As such, traditional governance holds
tremendous potential for enhancing the effectiveness
of service delivery and ensuring that communities, especially
in rural areas, are not bypassed by development. Furthermore,
traditional systems of conflict resolution have proven
relevant and effective in addressing some of Africa’s
most enduring conflicts. As such, a key challenge of
the modern capable state is to find ways of harnessing
the potential of traditional institutions of governance.
II: Key Challenges to Good Governance in
Africa
6. In the first study of its kind to measure and monitor
progress towards good governance in Africa, the Economic
Commission for Africa (ECA), in collaboration with the
African Development Bank (ADB) has identified four positive
governance trends in Africa: the steady consolidation
of democracy; greater political inclusiveness; expanded
voice and accountability; and improved economic management.
However, a number of major challenges need to be addressed
with a view to building capable states in Africa, some
of which are spelled out below.
7. First, the lack of effective checks and balances
in some African countries undermines good governance.
These relate to the three arms of government, which
should be clearly separated and operate independently,
but be coordinated. Political parties, civil society,
the media also serve as important checks and balances.
Problems are particularly evident with regard to the
Executive, especially in countries emerging from totalitarian
rule, where parliaments tend to enact laws serving narrow
factional interests rather than the common good. While
elected parliaments are generally mandated to provide
oversight, propose and approve legislation, promote
and protect government, as well as strengthen its institutions,
in some cases, parliaments are either not elected, or
are elected without a clearly defined mandate. Related
to this, many parliaments lack the required autonomy
and financial independence from the Executive. Human
resources shortfalls, questions of legitimacy and other
constraints affect the ability of many parliamentarians
to perform basic functions of office, such as interrogating
the national budget.
8. The independence of the Judiciary is central to
the administration of fair justice in a democratic society.
However, it is often more nominal than real. In some
cases, structural biases arising from a range of circumstances
undermine the credibility of the judicial system. Justice
commissions often merely act as advisers to the Executive,
rather than directly influencing decisions. In some
cases, the Executive has been known to directly appoint
members of their justice commissions. Meritocratic processes
of recruitment for the Judiciary are sometimes lacking.
More often than not, the Executive controls the process
by which the Judiciary is appointed, the security of
tenure and the purse strings. Added to this, language
and cost remain barriers to access to justice, especially
for women and the poor, who are often not familiar with
their rights. Disparities also exist between judicial
systems in French and English speaking countries, working
against regional goals.
9. Political parties are playing an increasingly critical
role in the consolidation of democracy in Africa. The
challenge remains one of reform to ensure democracy
of their internal structures. Parties often serve individual,
rather than the public interest. This is evident in
the lack of coherent political agendas and programmes,
and in tendencies such as vote buying. The funding of
political parties remains a major challenge. Many depend
on private parties to finance electoral campaigns, particularly
in countries where the incumbent party refuses to institutionalize
funding for opposition parties. This works against a
balanced political representation in parliament. Accountability
mechanisms, voter education and requisite codes of conduct
for elections are often missing, while electoral commissions
are often anything but independent. Many parties have
failed in their public education role, focusing instead
on interests of wealthy funders. A related challenge
is to build complementarity between political parties
and NGOs so that both institutions can play an important
role in society.
10. Civil society and non-governmental organizations
provide the citizenry with a channel for their voices
and the means to serve as watchdogs enforcing political
accountability. However, many CSOs are often seen as
adversarial to, rather than complementary to, government.
Civil society attacks on state policies can sometimes
undermine legitimate achievements underway. A large
number of CSOs operate exclusively as service providers,
abandoning an important policy advocacy role. Further,
CSOs need to be differentiated based on their transparency
and credibility since they are not all operating as
independent watchdog organizations and may be opportunistic
and partisan. CSOs as well as individuals also suffer
from laws that restrict their activities and hamper
their rights. Governments also question the legitimacy
of human rights movements, thereby undermining their
watchdog role.
11. The media also has a vital role to play as a public
watchdog – in exposing corruption, checking abuses
of power and human rights and casting light on the process
of elections, the daily business of government and service
delivery. Media organizations must be free from interference,
manipulation or pressure so that they can do their work
effectively and guarantee the independence of their
work for the consumer. This places a particular obligation
on government and politicians to respect the media’s
questions and to give open and honest answers, permit
a diverse and flourishing environment for publicly and
privately owned media and respect media workers’
freedoms and rights. Yet only a healthy media sector
can fulfill its obligations. If media publishers and
broadcasters in both the public and private sectors
lack financial resources and security, if they do not
uphold professional standards, and if they use reporters
and editors who are inadequately trained or experienced,
they will fail to live up to the standards that underpin
public confidence.
12. Second, weak institutions created through
political rather than normative processes impact negatively
on national and local governance, as well as on participation
and the delivery of services. Historically, the civil
service has tended to be supply rather than demand driven,
lacking of focus on outputs, outcomes and impact, with
the result that civil servants lack a full appreciation
of their service orientation and mission. They may not
be adequately skilled or trained to carry out their
duties. Effective delivery of services is often hampered
by lack of upstream stakeholder participation, donor
imposition on selection of contractors and programme
focus. The lack of adequate gender sensitive analysis
constitutes a glaring omission that works against an
effective approach. Furthermore, growing urban poverty,
coupled with rising demand for services in urban slums,
represents a new challenge in service delivery.
13. Weak institutions, particularly the Judiciary and
Legislature, also stem from inadequate financial and
other operational resources, which affect the delivery
of services. Furthermore, insufficient human resources
reduce the capacity of institutions to influence governance.
Poor technical skills also impinge the quality of programme
output. In addition, the lack of independence of governance
institutions weakens their ability to function effectively
and to establish accountability mechanisms.
14. The lack of participation at all levels constitutes
a key weakness in governance, and serves to marginalize
key stakeholders in development, among them youth, women,
and civil society at large. At the local level, institutions
for governance and participatory development remain
weak, one reason why service delivery scores are low
in ECA’s governance study. Local government is
of extreme importance, because it serves as a major
means of empowerment, stakeholder participation, and
enhanced accountability. It also is the major coordinator
of service delivery and local development efforts between
sector agencies, communities, civil society, traditional
authorities, and the private sector. Effective decentralization
is contingent on a strong and capable state that can
relinquish power effectively to local governments and
communities. While most countries in Africa have initiatives
underway for decentralization and local development,
the pace of transfer of powers and fiscal revenues remains
slow. Often, what are being transferred to the local
level are institutional control mechanisms rather than
true devolution of power. The objective to mobilize
all local and provincial latent capacities for development
is therefore not achieved.
15. Devolution of power to the local level involves
the integration of three processes: strengthening of
local government, reform of sector institutions, and
empowerment of communities. It needs to be carefully
designed and adapted to the situation in each country.
There is a danger of creating too many tiers of decentralized
government and too many districts or provinces, which
entails an excessive fiscal cost that poor countries
may not be able to afford. There is also the problem
of excessively empowering local elites, rather than
the entire population, and measures need to be put in
place to monitor elite capture and speedily implement
corrective measures. Widespread dissemination of information
and large scale training efforts are an essential component
of a local empowerment strategy, and a key measure to
ensure accountability and limit elite capture.
16. Third, while it is generally accepted that
traditional systems of governance have much to contribute,
the key challenge remains one of finding ways to accommodate
these systems into modern statehood. While important,
democratization has failed to meet broad social responsibilities,
as it has not been founded on societal values. Three
possible models of traditional governance can be cited:
the highly centralized or absolute monarchs; kingdoms
with limitations on the exercise of powers by the kings;
and consensual systems of decision making in which traditional
leaders preside over assemblies but there are essentially
no chiefs and no significant separation between the
rule makers and the ruled. The consensus-based model,
while probably the most relevant to democratization,
has no strong advocates within the wider political system
for contemporary institution building. There remains
a dearth of specific cases studies on how modern political
systems in Africa can borrow from this traditional model.
17. In the modern state, elections do not necessarily
reflect the will of the people nor always bring the
“best” people to power. A further aspect
is the incorporation of participatory systems characteristic
of traditional systems into structures of representative
democracy, while yet another dimension is reconciling
the consensual judicial system of traditional governance
with the adversarial system in the modern state, dominated
by those with the means to justice. Difficulties also
arise when chiefs participate in party politics of statehood
carrying their traditional support base with them. A
further issue is the impact of globalization and economic
change on systems of governance. In general globalization
and economic development require that all stakeholders
share responsibility for good governance. Traditional
governance systems can play a vital role in strengthening
societies to adapt to these changes, as has happened
in Japan and South Korea.
18. Fourth, corruption continues to pose a serious
challenge in many African countries, undermining the
legitimacy of institutions and entire governments, impeding
investor confidence and depriving citizens – women
and the poor in particular – of essential public
services. Although there has been a proliferation of
anti-corruption commissions and bureaus across the continent,
many lack the autonomy, resources and power to effectively
trace and prosecute corrupt individuals at all levels
of society. As a consequence, many of the well-intended
anti-corruption campaigns tend to fizzle out over time
and a culture of impunity and clientelism persists where
a culture of performance, meritocracy and transparency
is needed. The Judiciary in particular is a key institution
in the fight against corruption, but often lacks the
independence and capacity to deal expeditiously and
effectively with all the cases brought before it. Other
important factors contributing to corruption include
insufficient remuneration of public officials, the vast
income disparities existing in most African societies,
external factors such as bribery by multinational firms
to secure lucrative contracts, the ignorance among citizens
about their rights, and the erosion of ethical and communal
values to the benefit of materialism and acquisitiveness.
19. Fifth, while the private sector is well recognized
as an engine of growth and development in Africa, its
potential remains largely untapped. Success in creating
adequate opportunities for fully productive employment
is primarily dependent upon the existence of competitive,
profitable and sustainable business enterprises. It
is in this context that the good governance of the business
enterprise - the wealth creating organ of society -
becomes cardinal to the development and governance strategies
of the African continent. However, the private sector
generally lacks access to human and financial resources,
knowledge, markets and labour, impacting negatively
on its effectiveness in promoting growth and employment
in Africa. Furthermore, it suffers from a lack of dependability
and predictability in the management of state affairs
– especially the consistent and fair application
of the rule of law and the protection of property rights
– which are more fundamental to growth and investment
than providing tax holidays, investment incentives and
subsidies. Many African governments pay too much attention
to attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), to the
detriment of strategies to support local industries
and mobilize domestic investments for sustainable development.
There also remain gaps between policy intentions and
pronouncements made by some governments and actual implementation.
20. Sixth, the impact of HIV/AIDS as a governance
issue has still not been fully understood or recognized.
HIV/AIDS reduces economic growth potential and private
sector employment opportunities, and erodes the tax
base, negatively affecting domestic resource mobilization.
It impacts severely on the ability to deliver services,
and diverts resources that could be otherwise deployed
toward provision of basic needs and the responsibilities
associated with governance. It weakens people’s
energy to participate in democracy and hold state structures
accountable, while burgeoning HIV/AIDS-related stigma
and discrimination impacts on the state’s ability
to protect human rights. The specific socio-economic
and biological vulnerabilities of women to HIV/AIDS
are not adequately taken into consideration. The HIV/AIDS
pandemic highlights the depth and urgency of the governance
challenge for Africa’s youth. Establishing a sense
of positive futures among African youth is essential,
not only for HIV/AIDS prevention but also for laying
the social foundation for good governance.
21. Seventh, and in spite of African women’s
mobilization, advocacy, and increased representation
in governance at regional and national levels, normative
gains are not yet reflected in substantial changes in
women’s lives. In fact more women are living in
absolute and relative poverty today than ten years ago.
Furthermore, and despite 31 countries signing and 4
ratifying the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women to
the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights,
challenges remain. Women’s access to the justice
system is limited by legal illiteracy, lack of resources
and gender insensitivity, as well as by bias among law
enforcement agencies. In some countries, women are denied
property rights. The incidence of violence against women,
including rape and domestic violence, remains staggering.
III: An Agenda for Action
22. Above all, fostering good governance in Africa
means building a capable democratic state with strong
institutions promoting the public interest and including
the participation of all stakeholders, with a particular
emphasis on women and youth. Urgent and coordinated
action is needed to address capacity deficits in key
areas:
23. Improving Checks and Balances: Strengthening
the capacity of parliaments to perform their key functions
constitutes an urgent task. Action is needed to establish
a parliamentary index of core areas of intervention,
so as to identify capacity gaps, strengthen autonomy
and entrench independence. Programmes are needed to
build capacity for parliamentarians as well as parliamentary
staff in the areas of finance, technology, drafting
of legislation, and communication, among others. Internal
parliamentary reform must also be promoted to ensure
parliamentarians will promote and protect good governance.
And existing initiatives to promote inter-parliamentary
cooperation need to be deepened.
24. Work is also needed to deepen legal and judicial
reforms. Governments need to set up transparent processes
for the appointment and dismissal of judges. Governments
must invest in capacity building for court officials,
as well as in proper remuneration of court personnel
to discourage rent seeking. More open and active court
systems need to be fostered where files are readily
available to solicitors and their clients. By improving
access to technology, informed citizens can make informed
choices regarding the exercise of their rights, including
the right to legal redress. Judiciaries need to be closer
to the people by using languages that they understand,
tailoring legal access to include the poorest, and raise
people’s awareness of the laws. This should include
steps to support and bolster traditional judicial systems,
which are readily accessible to the public. Significant
reform is needed of the various institutions of justice.
A meeting between chief justices across Africa should
take place to develop a blueprint for harmonizing policies
aimed at entrenching judicial independence. African
governments need to comply with international human
rights conventions they have signed and ratified, including
international instruments aimed at protecting children,
advancing the status of women and preventing discrimination
against people living with HIV/AIDS. However, they should
also encourage independent monitoring of human rights
instruments, and demonstrate to citizens that they have
rights and freedoms – particularly in expressing
their choice in leaders and expressing their opinions.
The AU should reconsider its decision to place the African
Court for Human and Peoples’ Rights under the
African Court of Justice as a specialized court, but
maintain the African Court for Human and People’s
Rights as a distinct and separate court. There is a
need to develop an African Youth Charter as a means
of enshrining the centrality of Africa’s youth
to governance and development.
25. Political parties require special measures to develop
their capacity if they are to efficiently assume a key
role in democracy for good governance. This should include
assistance in better understanding national constitutions
and electoral laws. Of primary importance is funding
which must be addressed to improve their independence,
accountability, and organizational structures, reduce
parliamentary carpet crossing, mitigate corruption and
help parties better assume their function of civil education.
The funding of independent electoral commissions should
also be deepened so that they can assist political parties
to abide by their code of conduct and also provide supervision.
The AU and the UN should jointly collaborate to promote
free and fair elections in Africa. There is need for
further, in-depth consideration of issues of capacity
building of political parties, including discussion
on defining or refining the ground rules for elections.
This should be the subject of a separate conference
or African initiative. The role of CSOs and other watchdog
organizations in improving checks and balances should
be strengthened through the provision of civil education
that enhances their effectiveness, particularly in enforcing
greater accountability. Measures should be taken to
provide training to women to enhance their participation
in political decision-making processes.
26. Strengthening African Media: African governments
should accept an obligation to be transparent and accountable
by providing information to the media when it is sought
and answering questions about their performance to the
best of their ability. They should allow both the private
and public media to function without interference and
to respect media workers’ freedoms and rights
without resort to violence, intimidation or detention
to curtail reporters' activities. All laws and official
practices that curtail or undermine media freedom should
be repealed or ceased. Africa’s media houses urgently
need to address a number of challenges if they are to
meet the standards required by good governance. Media
owners and editors must ensure that journalists are
adequately remunerated, well trained, and can benefit
from new technologies, since editorial production, research
and communications depend so heavily on access to computers
and the Internet. Furthermore, media owners and workers
should urgently seek to raise standards in their profession
by instituting and where appropriate supporting key
institutions – such as media monitoring and complaints
bodies and journalists’ organizations. Media owners
and practitioners in Africa have an ethical and professional
obligation to institute and promote accurate, fair and
objective reporting. A charter for African journalism
should also be developed and widely disseminated via
media networks and associations and, once agreed, widely
subscribed to so that media organizations themselves
are transparent about their goals and can be measured
against them.
27. Harnessing Traditional Governance Institutions:
Traditional governance structures and systems should
continue to enshrine the devolution of power with the
ruler subject to laws and codes of conduct. Contrary
to popular belief, the selection of leaders is not arbitrary,
but based on consultation. However, more accountability
must be institutionalized. Leaders installed to rule
for life must earn their stay in office through good
conduct, or otherwise be subject to removal based on
clearly defined mechanisms for accountability. Further,
structures for accountability must be institutionalized
as part of the modern practice of statehood –
such as the creation of houses of chiefs at the district,
provincial and national levels. There is also a need
to explore the role that traditional systems of governance
play as partners in the socio-economic development of
communities. The role of the chiefs in socio-economic
development needs to be reinforced at several levels.
This includes the creation of community/private/public
partnerships and trust funds, strengthening traditional
Judiciary systems and addressing the HIV/AIDS pandemic,
among other issues. Where relevant, the role of traditional
authorities and institutions as custodians of moral
and social values should be deepened, and they should
be formally represented in AU bodies and other regional
development fora. A project to map traditional systems
of governance, including their consensual decision making
models, should urgently be conceptualized and implemented
as part of the broader effort to better define and advocate
their role in achieving good governance in Africa.
28. Tackling Corruption: There are both short-term
and longer-term measures that need to be taken to eradicate
corruption across all levels of society. Improving the
salaries of public officials is one immediate option
for reducing their vulnerability. The use of information
technology in public administration (e-governance) can
also play a major role in reducing the discretion of
public officials by helping to condense the number of
administrative steps taken in the completion of an administrative
or service delivery process whilst simultaneously enhancing
its transparency. At the higher levels of authority,
leaders should serve as role models in the fight against
corruption by declaring their goods and revenues upon
assuming office, talking about corruption openly and
publicly, ensuring that budgets at all levels of government
are published, comprehensible and accessible to all
citizens, and that government procurement practices
are both competitive and transparent.
29. Outside of governments, the private sector, including
multinational and transnational corporations, needs
to become more sensitized and involved in the fight
against corruption, corruption, ensuring that the requisite
mechanisms for accountability are in place. A strong
alliance is also needed between CSOs, the media, political
parties, the Judiciary, the Legislature, the churches,
traditional institutions and progressive corporations,
to monitor and denounce corrupt practices, inform the
citizens of their rights and duties, and promote the
values of integrity, accountability and honesty in society.
At the regional and international level, institutions
such as the AU and other international organizations
need to encourage the enforcement of laws and exchange
of best practices in the fight against corruption.
30. Reforming the Public Sector, Institutions of
Local Governance and Improving Service Delivery:
In terms of public sector reform, governments must improve
the quality of information available to citizens, and
bear in mind illiteracy levels as well as African languages.
Institutions should also endeavor to sensitize all employees
about the service orientation of their jobs. Institutions
should work to simplify procedures for citizens inquiring
and accessing government services. Public sector providers
should be placed on performance contracts and have their
budgets increased only if they satisfactorily meet their
targets. Private-public partnerships and privatizations
should also be considered, as appropriate.
31. To improve delivery, services should be more targeted
at beneficiaries, allowing them to participate more
fully in decision making, bearing in mind the specific
needs of women and the poorest. Where private sector
provision of services is working, it should be supported
and continued, with NGOs enlisted to monitor and evaluate
impact. Where they exist and add value, local governments
should delegate responsibilities to traditional institutions.
A serious shift of attention toward the new challenges
of urban poverty should take place immediately in anticipation
of mushrooming needs and demands. Institutional decentralization
should be adapted to country specific conditions and
human resources. It should be carefully planned so that
it effectively devolves powers and fiscal resources
and authority to the local level. The risks of excessive
administrative costs and of elite captures need to be
mitigated by making the local institutions truly accountable
to the population, and by widespread dissemination of
information, training and careful monitoring and evaluation.
Special measures must be put in place to ensure participation
of women, youth, ethnic minorities, and vulnerable groups.
32. Leveraging ICTs: E-governance, which incorporates
the principles of e-government, is an important innovation
for enhancing good governance and strengthening the
democratic process, and can also facilitate access to
information, freedom of expression, greater equity,
efficiency, productivity growth and social inclusion.
Successful e-government initiatives can have demonstrable
and tangible impact on improving citizen participation
and quality of life as a result of effective multi-stakeholder
partnerships. African governments need to develop appropriate
policy frameworks, supported by legislation for e-governance,
that are linked to strategic development objectives;
enlist high-ranking political e-government champions;
focus awareness, outreach and training efforts on the
less privileged segment of targeted users, particularly
women and neglected rural communities; and promote local
content and supports local language development. Governments
need to adopt legislative and regulatory measures on
free open source software use in African public administrations
in order to reduce the dependence on restrictive and
expensive proprietary software. They should also support
research and development institutions and bodies in
their effort to develop appropriate e-government systems
and applications for Africa.
33. Improving governance in Africa is ultimately a
national project. As such, a participatory political
process that allows political freedom and human rights,
the unfettered operation of the media and civil society,
the institutionalization of languages understood by
African populations, and the promotion of private sector
development and e-government is key. In the area of
ICTs, for example, the African Information Society Initiative
(AISI) advocates the implementation of National Information
and Communication Infrastructure (NICI) plans in each
country and has stipulated the need for government to
promote the deployment and use of ICTs within their
administrative structures, including support for e-governance.
In terms of partnerships, national parliaments are responsible
for passing legislation to promote environments that
are conducive to the success of e-government. Furthermore,
the RECs should also promote the implementation of e-government
systems among their member states through adequate policy
and regulatory environments. International agencies
and donors, such as l’Organisation Internationale
de la Francophonie, and other entities, should provide
increased financial resources and capacity building
to support e-government initiatives at all levels throughout
Africa. There is a need to organize various fora to
raise awareness on the relevance of e-governance to
development, as well as to develop an inventory.
34. Unleashing the Potential of the Private Sector:
This calls for the creation of an enabling environment
through effective partnerships between the government,
the private sector, and civil society to enhance the
spirit of participatory development and increase citizen
engagement in creating a secure and stable environment
in which corporations can grow and thrive. NEPAD advocacy
for pro-active public–private dialogue and partnership
in areas such as infrastructure and e-governance is
therefore timely. It will, however, involve heavy investment
in labour at all levels and mutually beneficial business
relationships at the continental and international levels
to attain the goals of creating strong African private
sector associations that reach out to state and non-state
small and medium enterprises (SMEs); more focused and
integrated public–private-CSO partnerships in
sponsoring home-grown national and regional development
strategies; promoting reliable and dependable information
and analytical interfaces between the African private
sector, international business and capital, and the
NEPAD Secretariat; having timely, credible, structured,
comprehensive and usable information on business opportunities
to advance private sector development; and promoting
regional integration efforts more focused on building
productive capacity, as opposed to an overemphasis on
trade. Given that SMEs accounting for close to 90% of
African enterprises, they constitute a pivotal sector
for providing the continent’s youth with creative
employment opportunities. There is an urgent need to
organize an Africa-wide forum on the role of the private
sector in development, to include chambers of commerce,
stock exchanges, business associations and other key
players.
35. Governments can overcome existing constraints by
promoting good corporate governance, developing genuine
partnerships with the private sector, underpinned by
strategies to effectively utilize the considerable resources
of African women, and harnessing regional integration
to expand trade and access to markets. Advocacy work
and education programmes are needed to promote the private
sector as an engine for growth. National task forces
should be formed to translate standards of corporate
governance, such as those developed by NEPAD, the Africa
Business Round Table, the OECD and the Commonwealth,
among others. Relevant regional institutions should
provide training to formal, informal, small and medium
scale enterprises on corporate governance and social
responsibility, and subregional hubs and networks should
serve as conduits for knowledge sharing in this area.
Consumers should ensure that they get value for money,
obtain the highest quality products and be able to trust
and rely on the enterprise to supply the goods or services
timely and cost-efficiently. Investors and shareholders
should be confident that their investments are secure,
productive, sustainable, growing and profitable with
a full protection of their rights. Suppliers, contractors,
lenders and financiers should ensure that enterprises
are well run and governed, and remain viable and solvent.
Finally, employees should ensure that enterprises remain
viable, sustainable and able to secure jobs, wages and
pensions.
36. Fighting HIV/AIDS as a Governance Issue:
Fighting HIV/AIDS in Africa implies an urgent recognition
of its devastating impacts on governance, as well as
concerted and coordinated action to mitigate its effects.
In the next ten years, Africa could lose over ten million
of its work force if urgent actions are not taken. Ongoing
initiatives, such as the Commission on HIV/AIDS and
Governance in Africa (CHGA), should be supported while
national governments must develop practical but effective
strategies to combat the disease. Organizations like
UNAIDS, CHGA, and WHO need to better coordinate their
efforts and work in collaboration with the AU, sub-regional
organizations and national governments in evolving a
common workable strategy to arrest the spread of the
disease and provide adequate treatment for people living
with AIDS.
37. Actions should include: the institution of workplace
prevention programmes as well as new methods of workplace
planning, including the creation of a more favorable
work environment with pay rises and other incentives
to attract employees and retain them; identifying and
working with the best available actors through outsourcing;
de-skilling certain functions so a broader range of
people can provide services, such as in the context
of health workers; integrating HIV/AIDS interventions
into existing wider development programmes; and reviewing
overall laws that relate to the well-being and protection
of those affected by HIV/AIDS, such as anti-discrimination
laws and property rights protections. Vulnerable groups,
women and youth should be more involved in programme
planning at all levels, particularly the community level.
38. Related to treatment, governments should operate
from the basic premise that “the right to life”
is enshrined in most if not all constitutions and that
free access through the public health system is everybody’s
right. Treatment and prevention needs to be combined
in the fight against HIV/AIDS. It is important that
governments promote access to treatment of PLWA by complementing
the 3x5 initiative with simplified regimes of drugs
based on local resources. Increased access to treatment
should be met with mobilization of domestic resources
and also an increase in aid flows that are more targeted
and predictable for African governments to be able to
manage. Urban areas tend to be favoured over and above
rural areas in terms of access to treatment. Improving
health infrastructure is therefore critical for upscaling
of HIV/AIDS treatment and providing access to treatment
in rural areas. Stigma and denial remain key barriers
to addressing HIV/AIDS effectively. Political will needs
to be complemented by programmes that address stigma
and denial by involving PLWA, emphasizing the role of
leadership, and providing consistent and accurate information.
Legislation also needs to be adapted/ aligned to the
imperative of protecting the rights of PLWA.
39. Mainstreaming Gender Concerns: All political
and governance bodies must institutionalize policies
that guarantee gender equality. The AU 50:50 gender
parity principle must be replicated and implemented
at all levels of governance, national, regional and
local. Leadership training programmes for women, especially
young women, should be developed and supported to enable
them to rise to the challenges of elected or appointed
office. Independent women’s organizations should
continue to be encouraged and supported. All international
and regional human rights instruments need to be domesticated.
All remaining countries must sign and ratify the Protocol
to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights
on the Rights of Women. The highest consideration must
be given to the statement arising from African Beijing
+ 10 Review. Further, a gender-sensitive and human rights-based
approach should inform planning, implementation, monitoring
and evaluation of PRSPs, MDGs, and expenditure frameworks.
Partnerships between men and women in addressing practices
that have a negative impact on gender equality should
be developed.
40. Building Strong, Effective Partnerships within
Africa: First and foremost, and in line with the
shared aspiration to develop an African-owned agenda
for good governance, work is needed to strengthen existing
regional institutional partnerships. Among these is
UNDP’s the African Governance Institute (AGI),
a welcome development. The institute should coordinate
knowledge sharing, the mobilization of human and material
resources for agencies involved in governance projects
on the continent. This includes research and policy
institutes, national, regional and international organizations.
Organizations such as ECA, ADB, the African Capacity
Building Foundation (ACBF), Council for the Development
of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), the
Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF), and the
Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern
Africa (OSSREA) – all undertaking work related
to African governance – should benefit from the
institute, while the institute may also launch new creative
initiatives on governance in Africa.
41. Tracking and monitoring good governance in Africa
is of paramount importance. As such, all organizations
and governments on the continent should actively support
the APRM. Institutions involved in the technical and
logistical processes of its actualization, such as the
AU, ECA and the African Development Bank (ADB) should
work closely to ensure its smooth operation. African
governments should ensure that there is national ownership
and participation in the APRM through the active involvement
of the civil society and the people in the national
process. The APRM process, along with the national dialogues
conducted as part of the ECA governance project, constitute
important innovations.
42. Capacity building of governance institutions such
as parliaments, the civil service, Judiciary, political
parties and civil society is key to improving governance
in Africa. Africa’s international development
partners should generously support the creation of an
African Capacity Building Trust Fund. The initiative
by the African governors of the World Bank to create
a Partnership for African Capacity Building (PACT) in
1998 should be revisited in support of this new idea.
Africans should manage the Fund, and set its priorities
for capacity development. All of Africa’s Regional
Economic Communities should be better integrated into
the process of capacity building, improving governance
and building capable democratic states. They should
set complementary standards on good governance and democracy
to that of the AU and NEPAD, and work closely with the
ADB, ECA, UNDP, and other relevant organizations in
developing the institutional capacity of their member
states on governance. The rationalization of regional
institutions is necessary for their effective operation
and coordination in promoting good governance on the
continent.
43. Partnerships can also be forged with institutions
and networks that focus on pillars of governance, such
as the African Parliamentary Union, African Parliamentarians
Against Corruption, African Association of Ombudsman,
the Parliamentary Forums and the Electoral Commissions
of the RECs, the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa,
African Human Rights Commission, the regional Local
Government Associations, the African Women Parliamentarians
and African Youth Parliament. Building alliances around
such institutions will help to deepen governance principles
and standards and build consensus on best practices.
Such coalitions help to reinforce commitment and encourage
experience sharing. Building upon private sector networks
such as the African Chamber of Commerce, African Business
Round Table, African Capital Markets Forum and the African
Stock Exchange Association could promote a culture of
good corporate governance and help develop small and
medium enterprises, stock exchanges, and the informal
sector. Partnerships between national, sub-regional
and continental CSO umbrella groups will also serve
to strengthen their collective influence on policy and
decision-making. Undertaking an inventory to organize
the activities of partners so as to harmonize programmes
and maximize resources can also strengthen partnership.
44. A Transformed International Partnership:
Rule of law, the separation of powers, the role of civil
society, and transparency are paramount to good governance
in Africa. These are precisely the kind of issues that
homegrown initiatives like NEPAD and the APRM are designed
to tackle. Given that NEPAD is a compact between Africa’s
leaders and its people on the one hand, and international
development partners on the other, the principle of
mutual accountability is key as a basis for structuring
international relationships in a globalizing world in
which interdependency is inevitable. The HIV/AIDS pandemic,
environmental degradation, corruption, international
terrorism, among many other issues, are common problems
that require common solutions. In resolving these problems,
our development partners clearly have to bear their
part of the responsibility.
45. Mutual accountability is therefore aimed at monitoring
progress on both sides. Africa’s development partners
should fulfill their long-standing commitments to deliver
on volume of aid (the 0.7% target). Private capital
flows towards Africa have also been low. Moreover, much
of the FDI flowing into the continent has been associated
with privatization programmes, and has not necessarily
been brought about any increase in real investment.
European Union and U.S. policy in agriculture has been
a great disappointment for African countries, and a
source of constant frustration. Low commodity prices
and high levels of debt payments have caught many African
countries in a trap. The Highly Indebted Poor Countries
initiative has not succeeded in delivering the expected
faster, deeper debt relief, and needs to go much further.
Donors need to establish long-term partnerships with
governments – the very low predictability of aid
flows impedes planning by ministries. In view of the
envisioned scaling-up of aid flows in the coming years,
this last issue will be of vital importance in the near
future. Africa’s development partners should provide
support to the continent’s development by facilitating
freer and fairer terms of trade, greater market access
and debt relief.
46. At the same time, Africa must put its own house
in order. Establishing mechanisms for tracking compliance
on both sides is crucial. There is particularly a need
to develop capacities in the management of public resources
through effective management structures and systems.
The APRM is a fundamental initiative in this respect.
African countries are opening up in an unprecedented
fashion, unleashing the energy of the whole society.
Good governance requires that this energy be channeled
towards promoting more effective development and the
common good. However, the concept of good governance
should not be restricted to the domestic arena. Indeed,
many improvements for Africa are contingent upon changes
in the international financial and political architecture.
In areas such as trade or finance, international global
governance needs to be improved. Africa requires more
involvement in global decision processes and forums
such as the World Bank and the Security Council of the
United Nations. The role of the AU also needs to be
strengthened. The AU embodies the ambitions of African
states to form an integrated, active, actor on the world
stage and achieve our long-standing goal of regional
integration. But capabilities, especially financial
ones, are lacking. External support to help this is
clearly required. Finally, in order to facilitate the
rebirth of African civil, political and economic society,
African countries need to build on traditional culture
and religion, and the donor community should recognize
these as viable alternatives to their own forms of governance.
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