AFRICAN WOMEN'S REPORT 1998
Post-conflict Reconstruction in Africa: A Gender Perspective
© 1999 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
II. PHASES OF RECONSTRUCTION
Technically, reconstruction and rehabilitation activities should follow the signing of peace ac- cords and granting of reformed constitutions, but the situation is not com- partmentalized and is far more compli- cated. Simultaneous action is needed on all fronts with relief and rehabilitation and development interventions intertwined. The reconstruction period has to include both curative measures such as emergency assistance, and preventative activities for reducing recurrent violence and sustain- ing the peace. Integrated humanitarian and development approaches have to be proactive and creative and seek to reduce the gaps in priorities, planning and pro- gramming between the governments and agencies. Government tends to pick up the reins of governance slowly, and it takes time for agencies to get funding, organize and establish a presence in the most dis- tressed areas. At the level of civil society, women’s peace and development initia- tives do not have reliable budgets and may be overshadowed by larger reconstruction efforts and institutional frameworks. How- ever, with a clear mandate and supportive institutions behind them, their traditional values and mediating methods can make a significant contribution during the phases of reconstruction to halt the destruction, renew economic development options and rebuild a cohesive social fabric. Develop- ment initiatives can make the reconcilia- tion and reconstruction process more sus- tainable. . . . . However the process is not lin- ear. It is a long-term process with various entry points depending on political will, domestic resources, including oganizational management and capacity building, and external assistance.
A. Immediate post-conflict reconstruction
In the immediate post-conflict recon- struction period, when the terror still seems too close, it is the local people who must start to clean up the debris and bury and mourn their dead, until a new government and local, regional and international orga- nizations and agencies establish their pres- ence. Local and foreign-based NGOs trickle in to tackle peace building, provide emer- gency relief assistance, especially supply of food and medicines. Local, national and international development initiatives may get off the ground more quickly in circumstances where an international peacekeeping force is successfully keeping the peace and help- ing to reorganize and reestablish legitimate authority. In such early phases of reconstruc- tion, the government is in formation, armies and militias are being disarmed and dis- banded, and unaccompanied children and orphans are being placed in orphanages or foster care, if reunification with extended family is not possible. The situation of chil- dren in the immediate post-conflict situa- tion demands immediate attention in most cases, as too does the return of destitute refugees and internally displaced.
The role of the armed forces, security forces and militias is frequently questioned during this time, especially if international peacekeeping forces have been deployed.
It is said that women are some of the first citizens to call for disarmament and for the handing over of even small guns. They tend to dislike the sight of guns in their communities. In Liberia, for example, from early in reconstruction, suggestions were made about the need to cut the size of the army by more than half. Strong feelings tend to develop in post-conflict situations that military expenditure should greatly decrease and that the army should be trained to better understand the needs of the civilian population and to participate in peacetime infrastructure and commu- nity development projects.
Food and medicines are in demand, as is clean drinking water. Refugees and the displaced are gradually returning and basic infrastructure and services have to be restored as quickly as possible. The shattered economy has to pick itself up and start again, as too does agricultural activity to produce food and cash crops. In some cases, as in Angola and Mozambique, hidden, unexploded landmines may be continuing to take lives and to maim, discouraging agricultural ac- tivities over large areas. However, as peace sets in, planned reconstruction and devel- opment activities can begin to replace ad hoc, informal survival mechanisms.
Thus, the immediate post-conflict situ- ation tends to focus on relief measures and on dealing with the immediate security consequences of war. Later phases of as- sistance focus more on development goals and initiatives. Some of the most creative and resourceful survivors in the post-con- flict situation are women. Some who may have been small farmers in the pre-war formal sector will get involved in petty trad- ing and bartering to generate even mar- ginal income.
International organizational capacity- building efforts meet more success where the national pre-war structures can be re- vived and where government and civil so- ciety actions are clear and focused about reconciliation. Most local actors will be in need of domestic or external financing. However, although relief and development assistance is the mandated role of numer- ous international agencies, their interven- tions tend to be costly in administrative and personnel costs, and can be competi- tive with one another. Such agencies can be slow and inflexible in planning and implementing requirements, particularly regarding procurement and disbursement mechanisms. Their approach, especially as far as women are concerned, has not often been assessed and there is seldom a clear plan for moving from emergency operations to assistance with long-term de- velopment goals. It is frequently the case that projects are put in place, but not broad programmes. New areas of linkages and capacity-building needs should be identi- fied. International organizations, in order to be effective, must draw on what women are doing in the peace process and as re- construction efforts and find ways to sup- port them, enhance their access to deci- sion-making structures and to reconstruc- tion resources, including credit.
In many post-conflict countries, the physical rehabilitation and reconstruction activities offer opportunities for employ- ment in construction to both men and women. Since the 1980s, African women, many of whom have experience with build- ing traditional homes, have been ventur- ing into the modern construction industry, mostly as unskilled day labourers, digging, stone breaking, and head carrying sand, gravel, rocks and water. However, with a little training, they could be employed in more skilled areas such as masonry, wood- work and metalwork, supplies manage- ment and so on. Undoubtedly, women in conflict and post-conflict situations show themselves willing to learn and apply new skills, even in non- tradi- tional areas, if there is strong market de- mand and po- tential to gen- erate a living wage.
Most reconstructing societ- ies legitimize the new politi- cal order with a new or amended constitution and other legislation that defines rights, responsibilities and legal procedures in the soci- ety, without discrimination or bias. The legal order tends to become more inclusive to avoid the outbreak of fresh hostilities by groups that feel marginalized and neglected in the society. Political prin- ciples often raised refer to popular participation and the need for a democratic frame- work, free and fair elections, decentralization of govern- ment institutions and an en- hanced role for women.
In Burkina Faso, some in- frastructure programmes have taught women to make blocks, a job tradition- ally done by men. Women were also made to use wheelbarrows in lieu of head carrying. In N o rt h Kardofan prov- ince in the Sudan, al- though con- struction work was formerly considered men’s work, women eventually partici- pated in the construction of schools and bafir (rainwater catchment basins). A dis- trict roads construction programme in Botswana encouraged women to enroll in training courses for supervisory and technical positions and hired them as gang leaders, senior gang leaders, and as tech- nical officers and assistants [31].
B. Political reconstruction
Political reconstruction first requires leaders able to offer the people a credible political alternative to violent change, and the security and stability to pursue the re- building of their lives. Consensus is needed, both formal and informal, on how power is to be shared and resources used. The framework of a reconstruction political plat- form has to be based on reconciliation, re- construction and development. This politi- cal platform has to be communicated to the people and the institutions of gover- nance should be accountable for their per- formance. Social and economic advance- ment is also highly dependent on the po- litical framework. It should not stifle popu- lar participation, civil society and private enterprise but empower and enhance them.
The period of constitutional adjust- ments and other legal reform represents a valuable opportunity for women political activists, individually and in groups. In countries such as Liberia, South Africa, and Uganda, the concepts of gender equality and women’s rights as human rights have been included in the new le- gal order, thus legitimizing women’s po- litical roles in local and national govern- ment and in public institutions and cor- porations. Granting of these rights has been followed up by vigourous campaigns to get women into political office through elections or through appointment and guaranteed quota systems.
Political reconstruction tends to fail un- less the emergent post-conflict approach to governance supports the participation of all ethnic and other interest groups in the society, including women. Change to- wards greater equality benefits women’s political agendas, even when the pre-war society might not have recognized or facilitated their participation in public affairs. Political space starts to become available to them, at local and national levels, more quickly if the combatant and liberation group involved had previously ar- t i c u l a t e d women’s equal- ity and human rights as a part of their wartime agenda.
Although existing structures may inherently lack gender equality and fail to recog- nize, incorporate and repli- cate women’s best prac- tices, the period of transi- tion after a conflict ends and reconstruction matures is an opportune period of time for advocacy and po- litical advancement.
The National Women’s Coalition in South Africa started to draft a women’s rights charter in 1992. In confronting the traditionally male-dominated politics in South Africa, women came together force- fully, across class and ethnic lines. By 1994, they made up 15 per cent of the Senate and 24 per cent of the National Assembly. In many instances women have influenced electoral outcomes by using their right to vote. In Sierra Leone, in 1995, knowing that most women would not vote, groups including Women Orga- nized for a Morally Enlightened Nation (WOMEN) mobilized women to go to the polls, by carrying out an extensive infor- mation campaign, including going from door to door.
The decentralization process seen for example in Uganda opened up opportuni- ties at the level of local government, and it is at this level that motivated women can first gain sustainable access. It is at this level that techniques for rebuilding trust, defusing hatreds and establishing community solidarity initiatives can first have impact. However, even at the national political level, there are more women in parliament and other policy organs of gov- ernment now than there were in the pre- war society. Ruth Sando Perry was Head of the Council of State in Liberia that steered the country out of turmoil, and Specioza Kazibwe became Vice President of Uganda. Various women ministers have been appointed, although largely in women’s affairs ministries.
Politically, African women in post- conflict societies have often made certain gains that need further consolidation and institutionalization. However, in some countries, the complexity of the power struggle (that might involve religious, mili- tary, ethnic and other allegiance), com- bined with a patriarchal social structure still largely dominates women’s position. Survival, advocacy and income-generat- ing groups begin to form during conflicts, but despite their evident interest in poli- cies and events, women in most post- conflict situations tend to be relegated to the sidelines of the process. Despite their active participation at local and even na- tional level, their voices go largely unheard in the renewal process of designing the framework of a viable, peaceful society. This is largely because of cultural factors that discourage women from participation in public life, but also a factor of lack of political training and formal experience with party structures and campaigning. Women are still poorly represented in African parliaments and in other organs gov- erning public life. Table 7 shows the number of women in parliament in selected African countries that have experienced conflict.
C. Economic reconstruction
Economic reconstruction focuses on priority areas of growth and rehabilitation within the national development plan and framework. Pre-war infrastructure for ag- ricultural and industrial production and marketing and distribution needs urgent attention; so do the commercial and finan- cial sectors and the social services that support operations. Human resource pools have been depleted and staffing and quali- fied personnel, including managers, have to be recruited and trained. Structurally, all sectors cannot reach pre-war capacity overnight. Help from external financial in- stitutions is much needed at this time, in the form of new finance as well as through debt rescheduling and cancellations, and other forms of financial relief. Obtaining the international financing needed, for ex- ample from the World Bank, usually re- quires implementation of specific structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) and ex- change rate management strategies. Structural, political and economic liberal- ization impacts greatly on the social sec- tor and should be guided by a gradualist rather than a shock approach that further traumatizes the people. For example, some economists have called the situa- tion of Rwanda in 1994, an ‘economic genocide”, due to the drop in the price of coffee combined with the SAP, and has been blamed for provoking social unrest.
The speed of economic recovery in these situations is a function of level of pre-war production and infrastructural ca- pacities, extent of war damages, and fi- nancial and economic management in the aftermath. A politically enabling environ- ment is key to encouraging domestic and external investment. The private sector has to feel safe to invest again and need tax and developmen- tal incentives. The informal sector, in which most women are found, needs appropriate incentives for the African context, including micro- credit, business premises and training.
In response to a precari- ous economy, women tended to group them- selves to secure land, build houses and formed sav- ings and credit clubs and schemes to finance their reestablishment. Such self–help groups soon abound in post-conflict situations, in areas where some trust and solidarity can still be tapped.
As the main occupation of the majority of rural- based Africans, agriculture has to be revitalized as a matter of top priority. Food security has usually been destroyed or threatened by years of neglect during the fighting. Land tenure, especially in areas occupied by op- posing forces for many years, may be dif- ficult to reestablish and modify. Reform of land law, resettlement plans and land dis- tribution programmes are sometimes pre- conditions for stimulating agricultural pro- duction and productivity. Lack of seeds and farm implements and inefficient ad- ministration and extension services to the sector are serious constraints even where land access is not a particular problem.
Women in the pre-war societies are likely to have been small- and subsistence farmers, or involved with food processing, preservation and storage. Many would have been petty traders in various market places. During reconstruction, far more than return to the status quo is involved. Advocacy for equality with regard to land, property and inheritance rights becomes part of the women’s economic and politi- cal platforms. Right to credit, production, extension and marketing systems are urged. With their previous economic net- works largely shattered, women tend to find themselves without the cash or the family labour to cultivate their land. In Rwanda, for example, when the women were unable to cultivate, alternative sources of income such as petty trading emerged, as well as informal systems of credit and finance where possible. Unfor- tunately, it has been reported that many women, after the genocide, had to pawn, rent or sell their land. Many felt grateful for work as casual field labourers, although gender-based biases allowed them only the lowest remuneration, and no long-term as- surances.
Self-help organizations are playing a major role in the economic reconstruction of such countries as Angola, Chad, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Liberia and Sierra Leone. They mobilize resources and help to build a sense of community. Many women no longer rely on their husbands when pur- suing business interests, relying more on their relatives and extended family and on credit schemes. This was clearly seen in Mozambique, Rwanda, and in Uganda. Women in petty trade multiply during a conflict and much of this activity begins to be formalized after the conflict.
Some reconstructional development policies favour men in land distribution, credit programmes, extension services and grants and in introduction of new technol- ogy and techniques. However, African women in the pre-war society played an extremely important role in food produc- tion and processing. In many countries, they have been responsible for as much as 80 per cent of food production, with men tending more towards cash crop production. In the post-conflict situa- tion, with access to land, women quickly begin the process of agricul- tural recovery, with close ties to infor- mal sector petty trading and the small- and micro- business sectors. Some female farm- ers prefer to re- main in trade and business than re- turn to the fields. Through necessity, many have at- tained economic and political au- tonomy from their men, as a function of successful entrepreneurial activity in the grassroots war economy [32].
The new trappings of gov- ernance are responsible for laying the common ground for unified efforts. They have to be used in the political process to de- fine rights and obligations and protect the interests of all. Evidence suggests that in the visible, non- partisan programmes for social development, so- cial groups learn to work and live together again.
In Somalia, nomadic women per- formed many of the traditional roles of men during the conflict, going to the markets, selling livestock and milk and buying consumer items. They discovered more mobility and freedom of movement than in the pre-conflict society, and tended to travel together in groups to other vil- lages and encampments to buy and sell. However, what starts out as emergency, transient coping strategies, develop long- term consequences for the traditional gen- der roles in the society. There is a dis- tinct emergent pattern in most countries of women’s role getting strengthened in non-traditional areas, during wartime, with the changes persisting, to some ex- tent, into peacetime roles.
D. Social reconstruction
Social reconstruction in post-conflict situations is faced with rehabilitation as well as the longer-term process of social integration. Rebuilding social services and institutions to get water, electricity, health care, education, transport, despite the heavy investment required, is actu- ally somewhat easier than the more in- tangible aspects of rebuilding trust and solidarity in a sadly traumatized and bit- ter situation.
Government has to oversee the con- struction of new infrastructure, facilitate the return of refugees and the displaced and coordinate national and external assistance for maximized welfare. Policies and programmes at the national level can lay the foundation for a new social order, but it is societal interaction and civil society that best respond to the psychosocial ill- nesses and damaged inter-ethnic relations.
It is in the area of social reconstruc- tion that women tend to have the most impact, in the early stages of reconstruc- tion. They are very active in urging resto- ration of services, even where central gov- ernment has collapsed. The movement for restoration tends to bring women to- gether across ethnic, class, religious or other dividing lines, for example in the matter of reopening and staffing schools and clinics. Reports from Mozambique and Uganda describe how women teach- ers especially, kept school in camps and even in private places of residence.
Wo m e n’ s grassroots or- g a n i z a t i o n have done a great deal to preserve edu- cation, despite shortages of books and even chalk and pencils in A l g e r i a , Mozambique and in U g a n d a . Women value education and it becomes a prime recon- struction goal for them. They want their children to have the skills and em- ployment op- portunities that most of them lack in their own lives. Formal and informal education and training is also an effective way to impart the new social and political guid- ing philosophy of governance, particularly in relation to peace education and the in- ter-cultural communication and collabora- tion it emphasizes. The latter function is particularly important in highly politicized and polarized societies, with high rates of violence.
Women’s role at the grassroots levelFrom within grassroots organizations working for reconciliation and recon- struction, women challenge the au- thorities and the society with de- mands for peace, non-discrimina- tion, accountability and recognition of human rights. Although posi- tioned in most cases on the side- lines and margins of the formal pro- cesses, these organizations mobilize large numbers of women and trans- late grievances into legitimate social concerns and agendas. At the local level, women’s efforts help to build a culture of peace through peace education, community-based recon- ciliation and social reconstruction ac- tivities.
Source: Women and Post-Conflict Recon- struction, War-torn Societies Project, UNRISD, Occasional Paper No.3, 1998.
Equally important is reestablishment of a primary health care system, with re-productive health components. The pre- vention, treatment and control of many dis- eases from tuberculosis and malaria to HIV/ AIDS have to be given high priority, to avoid disease outbreaks and epidemics in the country. As it is, deteriorated water sup- plies can cause cholera, typhoid and a range of stomach and intestinal infections. In Rwanda, some community-based women’s health care centres have been providing trauma counseling, reproductive health services and prevention of commu- nicable disease.
The goals and objectives of social de- velopment require continuous efforts to re- duce and eliminate major sources of so- cial distress and instability for the family and for society. Particular focus and prior- ity attention should be given to the fight against the worldwide conditions that pose severe threats to the health, safety, peace, security and well being of populations. Among these conditions are chronic hun- ger; malnutrition; illicit drug problems or- ganized crime; corruption; foreign occu- pation; armed conflicts; illicit arms traf- ficking, terrorism, intolerance and incite- ment to racial, ethnic, religious and other hatreds; xenophobia; and endemic, com- municable and chronic diseases.
Women are not only the majority of any population, but have proved them- selves to have the motivation and the will to organize for peace and for development. African men in post-conflict societies have also shown willingness, encouraged by de- velopment partner policies, to actively in- clude women in peace-making and peace- building activities. Urged on by the de- mands for survival in life and death cir- cumstances, and by the need for peace to pursue daily activities, women themselves have come together and formed peace movements and networks and commu- nity–based organizations to seek protec- tion and action. Individual peace activists as well as peace and development groups have made their mark in African societies.
E. Relief VS. development in gender-aware reconstruction
In a paper jointly issued by Ms Sadako Ogata, High Commissioner of UNHCR and Mr. James Wolfensohn, President of the World Bank, at a recent round table dis- cussion, reconstruction in the post-conflict context was seem as both humanitarian and development goals, with the former tend- ing to predominate in the early days after a war has ended. Humanitarian agencies often take quick action in emergencies but frequently lack the mandate and the skills to link up with broader-based and longer- term development in a sustainable way. Operational linkages have to be set up as speedily as possible in the immediate post- conflict period of organizing for peace. Both types of assistance tend to implement their limited mandates in preferred areas, instead of cooperating with each other regarding comparative advantages in addressing the needs of the affected population, and of institutional capacity building to cope with the chaos and destruction. As reconstruc- tion progresses, emphasis slowly shifts from humanitarian to development. The main idea is that “development agencies will move upstream as the humanitarian agen- cies move downstream’.
The emerging consensus is that col- lective action has to be led by national actors and peace activists able to mobilize constituencies around reconciliation and reconstruction goals. The immediate post- war period is often characterized by low national capacity, which has to be built up gradually with international assistance. However, sustainable peace requires that the national government and civil society are the legitimate owners of the peace pro- cess. Brokering and anchoring of the peace is still needed. National and local govern- ment structures have to be reorganized and rebuilt, whith special recognition that mi- nority groups, victims, returnees and other vulnerable groups need protection and as- sistance to rebuild their lives in safety and security.
Women are often among the first to call for an end to conflict and to strive for order and reconstruction. In early post-war situations, in groups and individually, formally and infor- mally, women probably contribute more than government authorities or international aid to reconciliation, reviving of local economic and rebuilding of social networks. However, they tend to fade into the background in most cases, when official peace negotiations begin and rebuilding becomes a formal planned exercise. But, gender roles and social values have changed a great deal by then and male-dominated institutions find that they cannot return to pre-war, standards of social participation . Reconfiguration of gender roles and posi- tions becomes an integral part of the interaction for the reconstruction programme, a fact that national and international policy makers and actors should understand and utilize.
Source: UNRISD, Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction. The War-torn Societies Project, 1998.
In the immediate post-conflict period, a transitional framework begins to operate that may or may not lead to durable peace and stability. Whatever their shortcom- ings, international agencies and NGOs must work with national actors and within the institutional and financing arrange- ments if development is to reach and sur- pass prior levels. Traditionally, reconstruc- tion supported by new governments and by the international community begins to restore infrastructure, under uncertain se- curity circumstances. Peacekeeping forces may still be on duty and landmines being removed. Disarmament of the combatants and paramilitary forces is a first priority. In post-conflict societies, there tends to be easy availability of military weapons and small firearms. The fighters have to be demilitarized, redeployed or disbanded. Demobilization of children from the armies is necessary but often problematic since many are destitute without the army, have no family or have been separated from them. Most do not wish to be put in insti- tutional care, preferring substitute care and guardianship arrangements. Women’s peace initiatives should not be underestimated as is usually the case, but should be encouraged, assisted and fi- nanced by government and the international community. In fact, there is a theory gain- ing favour that points to women’s ability to detect the early warning signs of conflict outbreaks. They are responsible for much natural resource management, and in their search for water and food take note of the tone and mood of the community. Many go to the market or to the fields and get early information from their social networks.
The basis of the way forward has to be the collective support of the people, both men and women. Women play a key role in preserving order and normalcy in times of chaos and destruction. They are also a driving force for peace and show ability to cope in practical ways with change and adversity.
III. GENDER GOVERNANCE AND THE LAW IN POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION
A. Peace accords and disarmament
One of the first political steps sup- ported by women movements is usually a neutral call for disarmament by all war- ring factions, so that round table discus- sions and negotiations can begin. In Liberia, the six-member council of state led by Ms. Ruth Sando Perry initially in- cluded the leaders of three major factions. The Revised Abuja Accord and Schedule of Implementation gave nine months for peace to be restored [33]. Until disarmament and reorganization of security forces take place, it is hard for other programmes to get started.
In most post-conflict countries, the initial phase of the peace process is fo- cused on the peace accords, definition of power-sharing among warring factions and other emergent political parties, con- stitution making and elections. Women however, have not been encouraged to participate in the peace accords nor have gender issues associated with peace been directly addressed. Similarly, most inde- pendent peace movements have failed to address women’s rights or interests, hu- man rights abuses committed during the war, or issues related to female partici- pation in the electoral process [34]. Despite this lack of encouragement, a strong women’s peace movement has emerged in most of the post-conflict countries, a movement which is actively influencing and participating in peace-making and peace-building activities.
B. Democratization and the law
Women have made considerable gains during the evolving process of democrati- zation, especially in the areas of inclusion of equal constitutional rights for men and women, the growth and visibility of women’s movements and an increased role for women in political decision-making through affirmative action. One of the first political measures in post-conflict societ- ies has been drawing up new constitutions that are reflective of the new dispensation. For example, the Constitutions of Mozambique (1990), Ethiopia (1993), South Africa and Uganda (1995) all pro- vide for equal rights for men and women. These countries have also ratified the Con- vention on Elimination of all forms of dis- crimination against Women (CEDAW).
In a large number of post-conflict countries, the provision of equal constitu- tional rights is contradicted by the conces- sion to customary law, perpetuation of highly discriminatory civil and penal codes, religious laws, the absence of family law and other legal measures. For example, Article 34 of Ethiopia’s Constitution pro- vides for wide-ranging social, economic and political rights for women. However, Article 34 (5) states that “This constitution shall not preclude the adjudication of dis- putes relating to personal and family laws in accordance with the religious and cus- tomary laws, with the consent of the par- ties to the disputes. Particulars shall be determined by law” [35].
The 1955 Civil Code of Ethiopia con- tains numerous discriminatory provisions regarding women, who are clearly consid- ered subordinate to men. However, it had repudiated religious and customary rules governing matrimonial and family rights. Paradoxically, the new constitution reinstated customary and religious laws in spite of the apparent contradiction of this measure with provisions in CEDAW and other international human rights instrument, which is incorpo- rated by the new constitution.
Women’s land rights in Mozambique
Amid considerable controversy, and after two years of debate and revisions, a new land tenure law has been adopted by Mozambique’s parliament. Among other things, the new law stresses the equality of men and women in obtaining land titles. Traditional land tenure practices, according to the Council of Ministers, discriminated against women’s access, promoting an initial effort to remove references to the “customary” law. But oppo- sition parliamentarians from the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO), the former rebel movement, objected to these clauses, as well as to the retention of state ownership of land, with individuals granted use and occupancy rights.
The two main farmer’s associations strongly supported the law, while numerous civil orga- nizations lobbied for various amendments. The final draft compromised by reinserting a clause on customary practices, but specified that these could not violate constitutional guarantees of gender equality. In addition, a new clause was added stating that inherit- ance of land must be “independent of sex”. Ms. Janet Assulai, a lawyer for the rural organization for Mutual Assistance commented that “our society is in second place. We must shift the mentality. It is important to repeat gender equality in all new laws to accustom people to the new thinking”.
Source: Africa Recovery, October 1997, United Nations
C. Women in decision- making structures
In addition to the formal inclusion of equal constitutional rights for men and women, a relatively large number of war- torn societies have adopted affirmative action policies with respect to women in decision-making structures. In Mozambique and Uganda, governments or ruling parties have reserved 30 per cent of the seats in the national, regional, and local assemblies for women. In most cases, the formal electoral process has removed criteria that would prevent women from voting or standing for election. There are, however, a number of structural prob- lems which inhibit African women’s full political participation. These include such problems as high levels of illiteracy among women, lack of self-confidence, societal attitudes towards women in leadership and lack of resources to seek office. These structural factors and the lack of explicit measures to promote women’s participa- tion in elections mean that very few women participate as members of national elec- toral commissions or voter registration teams. However, in all the post-conflict African countries, women constitute a size- able and enthusiastic electorate.
Given the problems outlined above, the number of women candidates is not negligible. Significantly, in the 1992 election in Angola, Mrs. Analia de Victoria Periara was one of the thirteen candidates running for President. Moreover, her Lib- eral Democratic Party, which stated that it represented the youth and women of Angola, gained 2.3 per cent of the votes for the legislative elections, 3 seats in parliament and 29 per cent of the vote for the Presidency. Since then, women have been made Vice-President in Uganda and Speaker of the House in South Africa. In Liberia, Mrs. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is head of the opposition Unity Party.
A number of constraints still stand in the way of qualitative improvements in women’s participation in decision-mak- ing. A major constraint facing potential female candidates has been a lack of in- formation. Women’s groups such as The Forum for Women in Democracy (FOWODE) and the Ugandan Women’s Network (UWONET) provided civic edu- cation prior to the elections. The govern- ment however did not disseminate a great deal of information to women regarding the new government structure or the re- served seats for women at either the dis- trict or sub-county level.
A second problem relates to the small gender-aware female vote and the prohibi- tive costs of campaigning, when many women candidates lack independent re- sources. Women voters are not sensitized about the manner in which they can influ- ence local government decisions by vot- ing for women and men who will remain accountable to them. This tends to force female candidates to rely on political pa- tronage of a ‘godfather type’ as a campaign strategy, thereby compromising the ability of women candidates to be truly account- able to the women’s vote.
A third problem includes women councilors, who may not be knowledge- able enough about gender issues or sen- sitive to the needs of women, particularly the need to challenge some of the tradi- tional values that undermine the status and rights of women. Women councilors may well not have the skills to main- stream gender issues in development plans. While these concerns can be ad- dressed through gender training, such training has not had high priority in post- conflict situations. Sometimes, women councillors gain some power at the local level but claim that they are left out at the county and district levels where stra- tegic policy and budgetary decisions are made. Strategic political and gender train- ing for women (and men) councillors can enable them to:
Help women in local communities ex- press their priorities for public expen- diture;
The moves towards decentralization in some countries have brought many women into mid-level and local govern- ment councils, but additional programmes and measures are needed to consolidate advances made. These include legislative reforms that abolish all laws that discrimi- nate against women, incentives creation for their enhanced participation in the economy and in public life, legal educa- tion and consultation particularly before finalizing legal reforms, gender training for judges, magistrates and local government officials, and monitoring of the extent to which women benefit from national and local government public expenditure and capacity building [36].In Uganda the Decentralization Sec- retariat training programme has not in- cluded gender and development skills training, nor is it oriented toward strength- ening women’s political participation at the local government level. Only a few women have been targeted for the training programme, as it tends to favour the par- ticipation of Council Chairpersons and lo- cal government technocrats, few of whom are women.
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